The last time that General Mark Milley, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, spoke with President Donald Trump was on January 3, 2021. The topic of the Sunday-afternoon meeting, at the White Apartment, was Iran’s nuclear program. For the past several months, Milley had been engaged in an alarmed effort to insure that Trump did now not embark on a military conflict with Iran as part of his quixotic campaign to overturn the outcomes of the 2020 election and remain in vitality. The chairman secretly feared that Trump would teach on launching a strike on Iranian interests that may well place off a chubby-blown war.
There were two “nightmare scenarios,” Milley told associates, for the period after the November third election, which resulted in Trump’s defeat however now not his concession: one was that Trump would are trying “to use the military on the streets of America to stop the legitimate, peaceful transfer of vitality.” The varied was an external disaster engrossing Iran. It was now not public at the time, however Milley believed that the nation had arrive shut—“very shut”—to conflict with the Islamic Republic. This dangerous put up-election period, Milley said, was all because of Trump’s “Hitler”-fancy embrace of the “Astronomical Lie” that the election had been stolen from him; Milley feared it was Trump’s “Reichstag second,” whereby, fancy Adolf Hitler in 1933, he would manufacture a disaster in snort to swoop in and rescue the nation from it.
To stop such an final end result, Milley had, since late in 2020, been having morning phone meetings, at 8 A.M. on most days, with the White Apartment chief of staff, Mark Meadows, and Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, in the hopes of getting the country safely thru to Joe Biden’s Inauguration. The chairman, a paunchy four-star Army general who had been appointed to the put up by Trump in 2019, referred to these meetings with his staff as the “land the plane” calls—as in, “both engines are out, the landing gear are caught, we’re in an emergency situation. Our job is to land this plane safely and to accomplish a peaceful transfer of vitality the 20th of January.”
This extraordinary confrontation between the nation’s top military official and the Commander-in-Chief had been constructing for the duration of 2020. Earlier than the election, Milley had drafted a plan for the way to handle the perilous period leading up to the Inauguration. He outlined four goals: first, to make certain that the U.S. didn’t unnecessarily streak to war overseas; second, to make certain that U.S. troops weren’t dilapidated on the streets of America against the American of us, for the goal of conserving Trump in vitality; third, to maintain the military’s integrity; and, lastly, to maintain his have integrity. He referred back to them typically in conversations with others.
As the disaster with Trump unfolded, and the chairman’s worst-case fears about the President now not accepting defeat appeared to arrive factual, Milley repeatedly met in private with the Joint Chiefs. He told them to make certain there have been no unlawful orders from Trump and now not to carry out any such orders without calling him first—almost a acutely aware echo of the final days of Richard Nixon, when Nixon’s Defense Secretary, James Schlesinger, reportedly warned the military now not to act on any orders from the White Apartment to launch a nuclear strike without first checking with him or with the national-security adviser, Henry Kissinger. At one meeting with the Joint Chiefs, in Milley’s Pentagon place of job, the chairman invoked Benjamin Franklin’s famous line, saying they want to restful all hang together. To concerned participants of Congress—together with Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell—and also emissaries from the incoming Biden Administration, Milley also save out the be aware: Trump may well attempt a coup, however he would fail because he would by no means succeed in co-opting the American military. “Our loyalty is to the U.S. Structure,” Milley told them, and “we are now not going to be inquisitive about politics.”
This account of a leisurely-the-scenes combat over Iran engrossing Milley and Trump—a secret backdrop to the general public drama unleashed by Trump’s extraordinary refusal to accept the Presidential-election results—comes from a few of the nearly two hundred interviews, with a variety of sources, that I have performed along with my husband, the Instances reporter Peter Baker, for a guide on the Trump Presidency that will be printed next year. A few of the varied details reported here about Milley’s actions have been disclosed in fresh days by the authors of two original books about Trump and 2020—Michael Bender, of the Wall Road Journal, and Philip Rucker and Carol Leonnig, of the Washington Submit—and been independently confirmed by me. Milley has now not addressed the revelations publicly.
In a statement released on Thursday, reacting to reports about the Rucker and Leonnig guide, Trump said, “I by no means threatened, or spoke about, to anyone, a coup of our Executive.” He added, “If I was going to accomplish a coup, one in all the last of us I’d want to accomplish it with is General Mark Milley.” Trump said he chosen Milley for the put up handiest because he wanted to spite his then Defense Secretary, Jim Mattis, who, he said, “may well now not stand him.” “I typically act counter to of us’s advice who I don’t admire,” Trump renowned. The faded President posited that Milley, a career military officer, was allowing these accounts to circulate “to curry favor with the Radical Left.”
Milley had been in chubby-alarm mode since the summer season of 2020. On June 1st, Trump had dilapidated the general as a prop in his infamous Lafayette Square photo op: Trump had marched thru the plaza minutes after it had been violently cleared of peaceful Black Lives Matter protesters, and following him was Defense Secretary Mark Esper, a pack of his White Apartment advisers, and Milley, who was wearing combat fatigues, as if at war interior America. Milley, an Irish-Catholic from exterior Boston who worships the Structure and the military’s tradition of political neutrality, regarded as that photo op his “Damascus second,” as he would later call it: a few short minutes of misjudgment that would haunt him ceaselessly. He regarded as resigning however instead determined to accomplish his penance. “I’ll combat from the interior,” he told his staff. The next week, all thru a beforehand scheduled graduation address, he apologized publicly for taking part in a political display that was entirely inappropriate for the leader of America’s apolitical armed forces.
On June third, in the Pentagon briefing room, Esper announced that he was adverse to invoking the Arise Act against protesters and said that he tried to remain apolitical in his job. Rapidly after Esper’s statement to the click, Esper, Milley, and the CENTCOM commander, Frank Mackenzie, were scheduled to attend a White Apartment meeting on Afghanistan. Trump, enraged, lit into Esper before Milley may well even take a seat down. The President went “apeshit” on Esper, Milley told associates, one in all the worst such reamings-out he had ever viewed. Trump would streak on to fire Esper days after he misplaced the 2020 election. Milley told his aides that he, too, was prepared to be fired, and even court docket-martialled. In another meeting after Milley’s speech, Trump, sitting at his desk in the Oval Place of work, demanded to know why Milley had apologized; apologies, Trump told him, according to an account that Milley later repeated, are a signal of weakness. “Now not the place I arrive from,” Milley answered, as he later told associates. Milley said he had to ask for forgiveness because he was a soldier in uniform who did now not belong at a political occasion. “I don’t interrogate you to understand,” Milley had said, “It’s an ethic for us, a accountability.” (In his statement on Thursday, Trump referenced his anger at Milley’s apology. “I saw at that second he had no courage or ability, certainly now not the form of particular person I may well be talking ‘coup’ with. I’m now not into coups!”)
A operating exclaim for Milley was the prospect of Trump pushing the nation into a military conflict with Iran. He saw this as a real threat, in part because of a meeting with the President in the early months of 2020, at which one in all Trump’s advisers raised the prospect of taking military action to stop Iran from obtaining nuclear weapons if Trump were to lose the election. At another meeting, at which Trump was now not indicate, a few of the President’s foreign-coverage advisers again pushed military action against Iran. Milley later said that, when he asked why they were so intent on attacking Iran, Vice-President Mike Pence answered, “Because they are rank.”
In the months after the election, with Trump seemingly willing to accomplish anything to stay in vitality, the sphere of Iran was repeatedly raised in White Apartment meetings with the President, and Milley repeatedly argued against a strike. Trump did now not want a war, the chairman believed, however he saved pushing for a missile strike in response to various provocations against U.S. interests in the region. Milley, by statute the senior military adviser to the President, was insecure that Trump may well place in movement a chubby-scale conflict that was now not justified. Trump had a circle of Iran hawks around him and was shut with the Israeli High Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, who was also urging the Administration to act against Iran after it was clear that Trump had misplaced the election. “In the occasion you accomplish this, you’re gonna have a fucking war,” Milley would say.
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“You’re Gonna Have a Fucking War”: Mark Milley’s Battle to Stop Trump from Striking Iran